Judith: More Than Just a Cheesy Story
by Lisa Kogen
It’s a story that has everything: piety
and patriotism, sybarites and seduction,
murder and mayhem. At the
height of a military siege, a pious widow
feigns interest in seducing the general
of the enemy army, plies him with wine,
and when he is passed out drunk
beheads him with his own sword and
returns to her home army with his head
in a bag. Sounds like the brothers
Grimm, but no, it is the story of Judith,
hailed by medieval commentators as
the epitome of a righteous woman.
The Book of Judith is found in the
Apocrypha, the collection of post-biblical
writings from the Second Temple
period that were not included in the
biblical canon. While these books were
incorporated into the Septuagint (the
Greek translation of the Hebrew Bible)
and later into the bibles of the Roman
Catholic and Greek Orthodox
churches, the only mention of their
contents in the Talmud is as sefarim hitzonim,
extraneous books. With the
exception of Ben Sira, the stories from
the Apocrypha did not appear in Jewish
writings again until the middle ages.
But then, perhaps as early as the 11th
or 12th centuries, Judith emerges as an
unabashed hero, inexplicably associated
with the celebration of Chanukah.
By the early modern period, several centuries later, the image of Judith regularly
adorned chanukiot and even
Passover haggadot. These images show
her brandishing a sword in an upraised
hand, often holding the severed head
of the ill-fated Assyrian general
Holofernes in the other.
But unlike the story of Chanukah
detailed in Macabees I and II, also in
the Apocrypha, in which the heroic
deeds of the Maccabean brothers
abound, the story of Judith has no
historical connection to the Maccabean
revolt.
And thus begins a parallel tale – not
the story itself, but the storytelling. How
does Judith, the hero of a war between
Israel and the Assyrians, lead by King
Nebuchadnezzar and his testosteroneladen
general Holofornes (and we will
not even begin to discuss those historical
difficulties!), become a hero of
Chanukah? And while we are looking
at questionable connections, what about
the cheese? That same tradition maintains
that we eat cheese at Chanukah
in commemoration of the salty cheese
Judith fed Holofornes to increase his
thirst, resulting in his drunkenness. This
juicy little tidbit also does not appear
in the book of Judith. When we have
interpretations of events that are not
contained in the original text, we look
for rabbinic fingerprints. In this case,
we can see them connecting the dots.
In the Talmud (Shabbat 23a) Rabbi
Yehoshua ben Levi places three timebound
obligations on women; kindling
Chanukah lights is the first. (Second
and third are drinking four cups of wine
at the Passover seder and reading the
megillah on Purim.) Yehoshua ben
Levi’s rationale is that women “were
involved in that miracle.” No woman
in particular is mentioned, and that was
not the point; the discussion was about
women’s very circumscribed obligations.
(Remember, the rabbis of the Talmud
refrained from discussing the
books of the Apocrypha, other than
as a generic category.)
A half millennium later, in the 11th
century, Rashi explains in his Talmudic
commentary on Shabbat 23a that the
Greeks had decreed that on the eve of
her marriage every virgin must first succumb
to the commander. When the
Greeks were vanquished, according to
Rashi, women also were benefactors
of the miracle of Chanukah. He suggests
that this miracle was performed
by a woman, most likely referring to
Judith. By superimposing the Greeks,
the enemy of the Maccabee story, onto
the story of Judith, whose enemies were
the Assyrians, Rashi – intentionally or
not – connects Judith to the Maccabees.
Let him eat cheese
Subsequent commentators compound
the tale, adding layers of midrash
to the story: Judith was the daughter of
Jochanan the high priest and she fed
Holofornes salty cheese to make him
thirsty.
How or why did medieval commentators
arrive at this “historical
insight” about Judith? The answer
might be context, context, context.
To Jews living in a Christian world, with
its very visible models of female chastity
and piety, Judith’s story was compelling.
Rashi’s allusion to Judith’s chastity is
reflected in his commentary that virgins
were forced to submit to their
Greek overlords before marriage. But
this practice corresponds more to the
feudal prerogative of prima notte, the
right of the feudal lord to have first sexual
relations with a bride, in medieval
Christian Europe than to ancient Greek
social custom. Perhaps the motivation
of Rashi and the others was to
demonstrate that Jewish women, too,
were renowned for their chastity.
It was just a small step to associating
the righteousness and heroism of
Judith with the miracle of Chanukah,
in which all women participated and
so were obligated to kindle Chanukah
lights. It was a perfect connection
because, just like Judah Maccabee,
Judith helped rid Israel of an idolatrous
enemy occupation. (It may just be a
coincidence, but Judith is the feminized
version of Judah.)
As a woman, Judith had to be more
than just a military hero. She was pious,
she was cunning, she was valorous, and
she was chaste. For centuries, Judith
had become the subject of countless
artists, writers, composers, and librettists.
Hers was a fascinating migration,
in fact, from the world of “extraneous”
to center stage.
Lisa Kogen is education director of
Women’s League for Conservative Judaism.